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The Longman Pronunciation Dictionary and OED accept /n/ as a secondary pronunciation /ˈdæmnɪŋ/ for the form damning (unlike for, say, condemning).

Is the latter used for the adjective, similarly to the appearance of /n/ in say damnable?

GJC
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  • @DecapitatedSoul compare https://www.oed.com/oed2/00057363 and https://www.oed.com/oed2/00057362 – GJC Oct 08 '20 at 15:32
  • @DecapitatedSoul Also: damned, ppl. a. (dæmd, poet. ˈdæmnɪd) [f. damn v. + -ed1.] https://www.oed.com/oed2/00057355 – GJC Oct 08 '20 at 15:40
  • It's strange. I've never heard [ˈdæmnɪd] either. – Decapitated Soul Oct 08 '20 at 15:42
  • @DecapitatedSoul more info.: https://www.oed.com/oed2/00072077 – GJC Oct 08 '20 at 15:49
  • @DecapitatedSoul neither in condemning https://www.oed.com/oed2/00046570 or condemned https://www.oed.com/oed2/00046566 – GJC Oct 08 '20 at 16:01
  • See also https://forum.wordreference.com/threads/damning-adjective-%CB%88d%C3%A6mn%C9%AA%C5%8B.3749953/#post-19144116 – Greybeard Oct 08 '20 at 16:04
  • @Greybeard Check also https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/Wiktionary:Tea_room/2020/October#damning_adjective_/%CB%88d%C3%A6mn%C9%AA%C5%8B/ – GJC Oct 08 '20 at 16:17
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    A spelling pronunciation if ever there was one. – John Lawler Oct 08 '20 at 17:17
  • "The cluster <- mn> in word- final position appears only in non- native words: autumn, column, condemn, damn, solemn. In some instances of early borrowings, the <- mn> was avoided from the start, thus Lat. hymnus, Late Lat. ymnus, OE epenthetic ymen; in damnthe input was Old French dampn- er~ damn- er, the ME adopted forms are predominantly with <- mpn- >, but <dam(e)> is already in evidence c. 1440; note also the spelling for ‘damned’ (1611). ...... (cont.) – Decapitated Soul Oct 08 '20 at 17:29
  • .... The phonetic nature of this simplification is based on avoidance of similarity: the cluster [- mn] is perceptually opaque because of the overlapping features of the two adjacent nasals. As in the case of /- mb/- simplifi cation, morphological composition may affect the realisation: damner, damninghave no [- n- ], but damnation(1300), damnable(1303) preserve it; hymner‘a singer of hymns’ is both [himə(r)] ~ [himnə(r)], but hymnalhas [- n- ]. .... (cont.) – Decapitated Soul Oct 08 '20 at 17:29
  • .... We preserve [- m.n- ] in alumnus, alumna, but not in the shortened form alum (1683). The realisation of [- n] requires a vowel- initial suffi x, but it is not suffi cient: (rare) autumny, no [- n- ], unlike autumnal, solemnity, where [- n- ] is resyllabifi ed in the syllable onset" .................................... From A Historical Phonology of English by Donka Minkova. – Decapitated Soul Oct 08 '20 at 17:30

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The n in words like damn, condemn, solemn, autumn is silent because the cluster /-mn/ violates the Phonotactic rules of English. Phonotactic rules are language-specific rules that determine the permissible sound sequences in a particular language. According to English Phonotactics, 'two nasals cannot occur next to each other within the same syllable'. Donka Minkova says 'the cluster [-mn] is perceptually opaque because of the overlapping features of the two adjacent nasals'. [A Historical Phonology of English]

According to A History of Modern English Sounds and Morphology by Eilert Ekwall, the loss of n after m is attested from the 16th century. Eilert goes on to say that the [n] was lost regularly in final position and before consonant (e.g. solemnly). Dobson says that the loss of [n] can be attributed to the loss of final e ([ə]).

Almost all these words that end with -mn came from French and had a final [ə] after the -mn-, so the [n] must have been pronounced because there was a vowel after the -mn- which would split up the cluster /mn/.

In some cases, the /n/ gets pronounced when a vowel-initial suffix (such as *-able, -ation, or -er) follows the ‹mn›, where the [n] is resyllabified as the onset of the next syllable, though the pattern is very irregular. Damnable is pronounced [ˈdæm.nəbl̩] — the vowel in ‑able splits up the cluster /mn/. The same thing happens in damnation, solemnity, autumnal, condemnation, hymnal etc (I.e. the /n/ is resyllabified as the onset of the next syllable).

The /n/ doesn't get surface in inflectional words such as damning, damned, hymning, hymned, condemning, condemned etc. Eilert says that they're influenced by damn, hymn, condemn.

Damning is not pronounced with an /n/ in Modern English. William Henry in How Should I Pronounce? Or, The Principles of the Art of Correct Pronunciation says that 'damning' is not pronounced with an /n/:

daming, not damning


However, some sources claim that the pronunciation with an /n/ has existed. A Practical Dictionary of the English Language by Noah Webster does list the pronunciation with /n/:

'damning'


John Walker in his Critical Pronouncing Dictionary also lists a second disyllabic pronunciation for damned, where the /n/ gets pronounced:

damned pronunciation


Also from Fowler's Modern English Usage (p195):

damn. In all uses as n., adj., v., and adv. the n is silent; also in the oblique forms damned (but often disyllabic in verse), damning. The n is sounded in damnable, damnation, damnatory, damnification, and damnify.

About limn, Fowler says (p461):

... the base-form is, like solemn, pronounced with the n silent. The inflected forms are limns /lɪmz/, limned /lɪmd/, limner /ˈlɪmnə/ and limning /ˈlɪmɪŋ/ or /ˈlɪmnɪŋ/.


The -ed endings were pronounced with a separate syllable back in Middle English, so banned would've been pronounced with two syllables. In Early Modern English, however, the unstressed vowel in the suffix -ed was lost (except after /t/ and /d/). So after a voiced sound, the -ed became /d/ and after voiceless sounds, it became /t/.

In most adjectives such as wicked, naked, blessed, crooked etc., the vowel remained, so the -ed is still pronounced as a separate syllable in those words. I assume damned followed the same sequence at some point, that's why John Walker lists the disyllabic pronunciation. In Modern English, however, both damning (v & adj) and damned (v & adj) are pronounced without the /n/. Or the adjectives lost their /n/'s due to analogy with damn which had no /n/.


From Modern English Grammar on Historical Principles (7 vols.). 1–7 (1949) by Otto Jespersen.

Loss of final /n/

After /m/, a final /n/ has been lost (assimilated to /m/): damn /damn/ now [dæm], condemn, hymn, limn, column, solemn, autumn. The loss is shown by such inverse spellings as solembe, (Sh LL V. 2.118, quarto of 1598); C 1627 expressly says that n is mute in solemne and hymne. N has been everywhere retained in spelling, except in occasional dam (for damned?: Meredith EH 134 “and dam rum chaps they were!”).

Homonyms: damn = dam, hymn = him, limn = limb formerly lim.

Before a vowel, /n/ is retained: damnation, condemnation, damnable, autumnal, solemnity. Before ‑ing /n/ was formerly heard in “the solemn articulation of damning, condemning etc.” (E 1766, also Walker); now the pronunciation without [n] has been analogously extended to these forms, though the NED has both pronunciations for the participle (but not the verbal noun) damning and recognizes [ˈdæmnɪd] as a poetical form of damned by the side of [dæmd].


I think the shift from amn’t to ain’t is also relevant. The contraction of am not used to be amn’t, where we see the same cluster /mn/, but it got reduced to /n/. Here it’s /n/ and not /m/ because of the following /t/, and also per Phonotactics because:

a nasal following an obstruent in the coda should be homorganic (having the same place of articulation) with the obstruent.